{"id":20290,"date":"2026-08-11T23:33:28","date_gmt":"2026-08-11T23:33:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/edumarkng.com\/news\/international-law-international-community-the-west-and-the-rest-of-us-i-by-usman-sarki\/"},"modified":"2026-08-11T23:33:28","modified_gmt":"2026-08-11T23:33:28","slug":"international-law-international-community-the-west-and-the-rest-of-us-i-by-usman-sarki","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/edumarkng.com\/news\/international-law-international-community-the-west-and-the-rest-of-us-i-by-usman-sarki\/","title":{"rendered":"International law, international community, the West and the rest of us (I), by Usman Sarki"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"International<\/div>

International law, international community, the West and the rest of us (I), by Usman Sarki, <\/p>\n

International law, otherwise known in its older and nobler description as the law of nations, is often presented as the great civilising compact of mankind. It is spoken of as though it were a sacred moral canopy beneath which all nations, large and small, powerful and weak, rich and poor, are equally sheltered. Its language is lofty, often talking about sovereignty, territorial integrity, self-determination, civilian protection, humanitarian restraint, peaceful settlement of disputes and the equality of states.<\/p>\n

But the experience of the modern world teaches a harsher lesson. International law has too often been observed selectively, invoked strategically and violated with impunity where the interests of powerful states are concerned. It has, however, never been entirely meaningless. Without it, the world would be even more anarchic, violent and unstable than it is. But neither has it been the inviolable charter that its most enthusiastic defenders claim. It remains, in practice, a field of contestation between law and power; between principle and expediency; between the rights of peoples and the calculations of states.<\/p>\n

The ongoing international disorder surrounding Ukraine, Gaza, Lebanon, Iran, Sudan and other theatres of conflict has made this contradiction impossible to ignore. In the European context, the language of sovereignty has been rightly and repeatedly invoked. Russia\u2019s invasion of Ukraine was condemned as a violation of territorial integrity and the prohibition against the use of force. Ukraine\u2019s borders, independence and political future became matters of global urgency. Western governments declared that no peace could be legitimate unless it respected Ukrainian sovereignty. They demanded security guarantees for Ukraine, guarantees against renewed attack, guarantees for its territorial integrity and guarantees for its right to exist as a secure and independent state.<\/p>\n

They also vehemently urged the necessity of admitting Ukraine into NATO and extending to it the privileges of membership of the European collective. There is nothing objectionable in principle in these demands. Ukraine, like every other sovereign country, deserves security, peace and freedom from aggression. The problem, however, arises when the same moral language is withheld from another people whose suffering has continued for generations.<\/p>\n

For while NATO, the European Union and the United States insist that Russia must provide guarantees for Ukraine, they have not shown comparable urgency in demanding guarantees from Israel for the Palestinians. No equivalent Western doctrine has been developed around Palestinian security. No major Western leader has made the protection of Palestinian territory, the end of settlement encroachment, the preservation of Palestinian homes, the inviolability of Palestinian land or the prevention of annexation a condition of peace.<\/p>\n

Palestinians are constantly advised to negotiate, to be patient, to accept compromise, to accept the fact of the existence of the State of Israel and to restrain their anger. But Israel is rarely subjected to an equally firm demand that it guarantee Palestinian rights. The West speaks endlessly of Israel\u2019s security, as it should. But it speaks far less often, and with far less seriousness, of Palestinian security. Israel\u2019s right to exist is regarded as axiomatic. Palestine\u2019s right to exist is commonly treated as conditional, negotiable, deferred and subject to circumstances beyond Palestinian control.<\/p>\n

This is the central moral imbalance in the international system. One people\u2019s security becomes a strategic imperative; another people\u2019s security becomes merely a humanitarian concern. One people is entitled to statehood as a matter of principle; another is told to wait until the conditions are suitable. One people\u2019s borders are sacrosanct; another people watches its territory shrink through settlements, checkpoints, military zones, demolitions, evictions and restrictions whose cumulative effect is to make a viable state ever more difficult to realise.<\/p>\n

The phrase \u201cinternational community\u201d has played a particularly misleading role in this process. It is often employed as though it refers to the collective conscience of humanity. In reality, it frequently refers to a narrow alignment of Western governments, NATO members and their strategic partners. When that group takes a position, it is described as \u201cinternational consensus\u201d. When Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Arab world and much of the wider Global South adopt a different position, their views are treated as peripheral, emotional or politically motivated.<\/p>\n

But the nations of the Global South are not idle spectators in world affairs. They constitute the overwhelming majority of humanity. Their peoples have suffered colonialism, occupation, racial stratification, external intervention and economic subordination. They therefore understand instinctively that international law cannot remain credible if it is applied as an instrument for disciplining the weak while excusing the strong.<\/p>\n

This was why the Bandung Conference, the Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 carried such historical importance. They were not merely diplomatic gatherings. They represented a demand that the world should be governed by rules that applied to all, not merely rules interpreted by a privileged bloc. Their central aspiration was simple: that the newly independent countries of Africa and Asia should not exchange colonial subordination for a new form of international tutelage. That aspiration remains unfinished even today.<\/p>\n

The so-called rules-based international order has become one of the most repeated expressions in Western diplomacy. But what precisely are these rules? Who makes them? Who interprets them? Who decides when they apply, to whom they should apply and when they may be ignored? If the rules are universal, why do they appear so elastic when Western interests or the interests of Western allies like Israel are involved? If sovereignty is sacred, why has it been violated in Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, Iran, Venezuela and elsewhere? If civilian protection is paramount, why are some civilian deaths treated as global scandals while others are reduced to regrettable collateral damage?<\/p>\n

The invasion of Iraq in 2003 remains one of the most glaring and lamentable examples of this crisis. It was undertaken without clear authorisation from the United Nations Security Council and justified through claims that later proved deeply questionable. The consequences were catastrophic. The destruction of state institutions, immense civilian suffering, sectarian conflict, regional destabilisation and the emergence of extremist movements whose effects were felt across continents.<\/p>\n

Libya followed a similar pattern. A mandate ostensibly intended to protect civilians became the basis for a campaign that ended in regime change and state collapse. The result was not peace, democracy or stability, but fragmentation, militia rule, weapons proliferation, migration crisis and insecurity across the Sahel. The lesson drawn by many countries outside the West was unmistakable. International law was not always a restraint upon power; at times it was a language through which power clothed itself in legitimacy.<\/p>\n

This does not mean that the law of nations should be discarded. On the contrary, it means that it must be reclaimed. The answer to selective legality is not lawlessness. The answer is a more consistent, equitable and universal application of the law. The weak need international law more than anyone else. Small states need it to protect their sovereignty. Occupied peoples need it to sustain their claim to dignity and freedom. Civilians need it as a shield against the cruelty of war. But that shield cannot protect only those who are politically fashionable or strategically useful.\u00a0<\/p>\n

The true test of international law is not how it is applied against rivals and adversaries. The true test is whether it can restrain allies, friends and powerful states. A law that applies only to enemies is not law in the full moral sense. It is an instrument of rivalry and dominance. A community that recognises only some victims is not truly international but merely a coalition of convenience and narrow interest. The world must now decide whether the law of nations is to remain a vocabulary of privilege or become what it was always meant to be: a common moral benchmark and inheritance of all humanity.\u00a0<\/p>\n

The post International law, international community, the West and the rest of us (I), by Usman Sarki<\/a> appeared first on Vanguard News<\/a>.<\/p>\n

, <\/p>\n

International law, otherwise known in its older and nobler description as the law of nations, is often presented as the great civilising compact of mankind. It is spoken of as though it were a sacred moral canopy beneath which all nations, large and small, powerful and weak, rich and poor, are equally sheltered. Its language [\u2026]<\/p>\n

The post International law, international community, the West and the rest of us (I), by Usman Sarki<\/a> appeared first on Vanguard News<\/a>.<\/p>\n

, , Emmanuel Okogba, {authorlink},, , Vanguard News, August 11, 2026, 11:33 pm<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

International law, international community, the West and the rest of us (I), by Usman Sarki, International law, otherwise known in its older and nobler description as the law of nations, is often presented as the great civilising compact of mankind. It is spoken of as though it were a sacred moral canopy beneath which all […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":20291,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_uf_show_specific_survey":0,"_uf_disable_surveys":false,"fifu_image_url":"https:\/\/cdn.vanguardngr.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/usman-sarki-e1699421472475.jpeg","fifu_image_alt":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[713,8,927],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-20290","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-columns","category-news","category-through-the-prism"],"aioseo_notices":[],"yoast_head":"\nInternational law, international community, the West and the rest of us (I), by Usman Sarki - EduNews<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/edumarkng.com\/news\/international-law-international-community-the-west-and-the-rest-of-us-i-by-usman-sarki\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"International law, international community, the West and the rest of us (I), by Usman Sarki - EduNews\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"International law, international community, the West and the rest of us (I), by Usman Sarki, International law, otherwise known in its older and nobler description as the law of nations, is often presented as the great civilising compact of mankind. 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